A Protest too Pharr

February started with a number of anti-immigration protests breaking out across the country. “People are feeling galvanized,” gushed USA Today as they tried to paint the anti-Trump protests as organic, spontaneous demonstrations of popular outrage. The protests in Los Angeles, Seattle, Austin, and Washington D.C. were supported by open-border NGOs like the Party for Socialism and Liberation, and We Fight Back. They are progressive leftist fringe groups who contend society can only survive by ending capitalism. American billionaires like Neville Roy Singham fund these organizations to protect us from the excesses of other American billionaires like Elon Musk. How this envy of Elon shifted into open border advocacy is hazy. Regardless Roy Singham is pissed off and has paid millions of dollars to various progressive protest organizations to get the rest of us pissed off too.

Law enforcement personnel stage on the 110 freeway during a protest calling for immigration reform Sunday, Feb. 2, 2025, in Los Angeles. (AP Photo/Eric Thayer)

Even McAllen, Texas, had a Saturday night anti-ICE protest on February 1st that attracted hundreds of mostly young locals. Unlike the protests in big blue cities, the McAllen protestors were peaceful and friendly. Mostly, they drove up and down 10th Street waving Mexican flags and honking their horns, which is what most of them do on a Saturday night anyway (minus the flags). When I was their age, we would have headed over the Anzalduas Bridge into Reynosa to party once we were done cruising 10th Street, but the kids these days . . . not so much. In fact, it’s safe to assume most of them never venture into Mexico because it’s too dangerous.

Local kids express their solidarity with Mexico – a country they love to talk about but never visit. How ironic would it be if Mexico became a safe, sovereign country for these kids to visit during President Trump’s term?

This past Wednesday, RGV Truth live-streamed another spontaneous anti-Ice protest down the road at the Westlico Premium Outlet Mall. Judging from the video, it looked more like a car show with a little swap meet on the side than a protest. But there were plenty of young folks flying Mexican flags from the beds of late-model customized pickup trucks that they would never drive across the Mexican border for obvious reasons. But we don’t talk about that in the RGV because it’s not polite. As we headed into another weekend of action, the mood was tense, with some shadowy miscreants calling for a Saturday night protest next door in the hamlet of Pharr.

This unique call to arms rapidly spread across social media but generated no interest.

Pharr, Texas, was famous for a riot on Cage Street on February 6th, 1971. Back then, the street was lined with bars, cantinas, and barber shops that catered to the local Mexican American population. The police station is also on Cage Street, and on the 6th of February, some local women gathered there to protest the arrest of one of their kids. Back then, the Pharr police and fire departments were staffed with white dudes, and they hosed down the protestors with a firehose, causing the bars and cantinas to empty out. When the local men confronted the cops, they opened fire with live ammunition, killing a local barber.

The Pharr Riots were a big deal in the 1970s; even back then, shooting live ammunition into a crowd of aggravated citizens was considered way out of line. Just a few years earlier, Texas Rangers Alfred Allee and Jacquin Jackson responded to a hostage situation at the Maverick County Courthouse in Eagle Pass by methodically taking the third-floor jail area apart with Browning Automatic Rifles until the hostage takers begged them to stop shooting. That was considered solid police work at the time, but not shooting a barber protesting the use of fire hoses on the local citizens.

Every small town has a unique feature that drives civic pride. For Pharr, Texas, it’s a massive freeway interchange between Highways 83 and 69 that is always expanding to accommodate explosive population growth. I think the Pharr off-ramps are in their third iteration, and they are spectacular, arching so far above the city you look down on Top Golf

With that kind of history, how could the local open-border NGOs go wrong staging the Pharr II Riots? Every Latino Studies graduate in the nation knows that the United States is systemically racist, so the oppression of brown native-born people by The Man in Pharr, Texas, has not changed in 54 years! Only everything in Pharr, Texas, has changed in the past 54 years, starting with trigger-happy white dudes on the police force.

The majority Hispanic population now runs Pharr and every other municipality in the Rio Grande Valley. And these aren’t catty punk-ass Hispanics like the councilwoman from LA caught bad-mouthing the blacks. These are legit civic leaders – the mayor of Pharr is a perfect example. Dr. Ambrosio “Amos” Hernandez is a pediatric surgeon and a principal investor in Doctors Hospital Renaissance (DHR), a massive doctors-owned hospital system with curious funding mechanisms that we don’t talk about in the Valley because that too is considered impolite. Recently, Doctor Hernandez headed the initiative to open a massive branch of the Driscoll Children’s Hospital on the DHR Edinburg campus. DHR is three miles away from the giant South Texas Health Systems Children’s Hospital. You might think that there are a lot of children’s hospitals in a geographically remote border area, but that’s another topic that polite people don’t talk about in the Valley. We have great weather and would rather talk about that.

Top Golf was opened to “drive down diabetes” but hasn’t drawn big crowds yet

Dr. Hernandez is also an accomplished businessman who raised enough investment capital to address the obesity epidemic plaguing the citizens of Phar, with a three-story air-conditioned driving range. The mayor also spearheaded the effort to transform the spot of the 1971 Pharr Riot into a food truck park called The Hub.

The Hub – a food truck park that doesn’t have any food trucks. I’m guessing the close proximity of the police station discourages the taco truck chefs from selling beer on the side. Who wants to eat food truck tacos without beer?

Saturday evening was beautiful in Pharr, with a glorious sunset and perfect weather for a protest centered on The Hub. However, the venue was empty—no protestors, food trucks, or anything. Top Golf probably attracted a bigger crowd, but that isn’t a sure bet, as it never seems busy.

This brings up another topic we don’t talk about much down here: federal HSI designation. Hispanic Serving Institutions (HSI) were eligible (during previous administrations) for multiple streams of federal grant monies. Every school district, hospital system, and municipality in the RGV anticipated unimpeded access to federal HSI grants in perpetuity, but that now appears to be in doubt. The loss of federal grant monies combined with increased scrutiny into the origins of Mexican investment capital would have a catastrophic impact on the current economic development.

We Fight Back had big plans for the weekend but lacked enough cash to pay for an outrage mob. Could this be a second-order effect from turning off the USAID money spigot?

Pharr wasn’t the only scheduled protest with no protestors – of the 40 cities targeted by the Weekend of Action, only a handful had actual protests. The crowd in Austin was sparse, as was the crowd in Colorado Springs, and those were the only protests I could find in the news. I suspect it takes a lot of walking around money to generate a proper outrage mob, and apparently, that money has disappeared from the open-border NGOs. There is no organic support for a wide-open southern border, nor do rational people consider the abuse inflicted on illegal immigrants by human traffickers acceptable.

I’ve seen French street mimes draw bigger crowds than this in Austin. Protesters against U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement deportations gathered at the Texas Capitol on February 8, 2025. (KXAN News/Aidan Boyd)

The United States is poised for significant change in how the federal government interacts with its citizens and state governments. In places that have benefited from the transfer of American jobs to the third world (like the Rio Grande Valley), change means the end of easy federal dollars subsidizing wealthy real estate speculators. The reaction of local power brokers to the new administration was summed up by this statement from McAllen Police Chief Victor Rodriguez.

“The McAllen Police Department has in the past and does so today deem immigration matters to be a federal jurisdictional responsibility, and as such, we do not engage in immigration enforcement activities.”

That is total bullshit. The McAllen police deemed immigration a problem when the FJB administration started releasing thousands of illegal migrants into the city back in 2021. President Trump easily won the popular vote in the Rio Grande Valley but not the votes of the entrenched Hispanic elites who run this valley. Now they are lying low, waiting to see how badly designating Mexican cartels as terrorist organizations hurts the flow of investment capital and bribe money flooding the border area from the narco-terrorist state next door. In that respect, the RGV is the canary in the coal mine when it comes to taking control of our Southern Border away from the cartels. If the Trump Administration is serious about stopping both cartel trafficking and fraudulent government disbursements, there are a bunch of powerful people in this valley who are about to face the grim prospect of federal prosecution for fraud and/or aiding and abetting terrorism.

USAID Was a Racket: It Deserves to DEI

The United States spent 54 Billion dollars on economic development and reconstruction in Afghanistan. The reconstruction effort was a comprehensive, across-the-board failure characterized by shoddy workmanship from shady contractors invariably connected to powerful national or provincial government leaders. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) was the lead agency in these efforts, and they are responsible for the failure of the reconstruction battle. You will be shocked, shocked, I tell you, to learn that nobody at USAID was ever held accountable. In fact, the concept of accountability is foreign to USAID. Accountability is organic to organizations with meritocratic competence hierarchies. But meritocratic advancements, like trigonometry, two-parent households, and high standardized test scores (according to the FJB era zeitgeist), were all signs of white racism and, therefore, never considered relevant at USAID.

I was the project manager for the first US Embassy Kabul security guard contract in 2005, which included the USAID compound across the street from the Embassy. The USAID staff lived and worked in a small, tightly packed compound that was connected to the embassy by a tunnel under Masood Road. They worked long hours in tight quarters, and they had unlimited access to inexpensive, top-shelf booze. Thursday evening is the start of the weekend in Islamic lands, and Kabul provided a heady brew of wartime danger in an exotic land far from home. I got an unusually intimate look at USAID officers operating in the wild. and was not impressed. They drank too much, which is saying something coming from a retired infantry Marine.

Wheat for sale in the Qala-e-Naw Bazaar in December 2006. I was inventorying wheat stocks for USAID, and every one of those 50lb bags said, “Gift from the People of Canada to the People of Iran.” No idea what USAID thought about that, as my report was received without comment. Qala-e-Maw is the Capital of Badghis Province.

I should be grateful to USAID for funding some of the greatest adventures of my life. The 2006 Winter Emergency Food Assessment of Western Afghanistan jumps immediately to mind, as does the refurbishment of the Nimroz Province irrigation systems from 2010 – 2012. But the truth is I was working with such nominal sums (5 – 15 million annually) that our USAID supervisor was an Afghan employee. He was a good man, high in trait conscientiousness and impeccable honesty, but he refused to leave Kabul to inspect our operations. He gave us everything we asked for (in additional funding) because we finished every project on time and on budget.

Critics of international aid observe that it takes money from the poor residents of rich countries and gives it to the wealthy residents of poor countries. That certainly happened in Afghanistan, but internal corruption doesn’t explain why the billions of aid dollars spent to build infrastructure and governmental capacity produced such limited results. The failure of aid programs in Afghanistan started with money flooding into the country faster than it could be absorbed and ended with the lack of oversight in project implementation.

Every large USAID implementation partner working in Afghanistan’s countryside followed the UN Minimum Occupational Safety Standards (UN MOSS). These mandated enhanced security measures included hardened compounds with RPG screens on top of massive exterior compound walls, a hardened safe room with radio communications to regional UN security offices, armored SUVs, and personal security details provided by approved international professional military companies PMCs.

Typical CADG cash for work project targeting the central canal in Kandahar City – not the most pleasant work, but it paid well

Brand new armored SUVs drew unwanted attention and were bullet magnets in most of the country. The PMCs providing protection details knew this and limited trips outside the compound walls accordingly. Nobody expected international project managers working in places like Kandahar, Lashkar Gah, or Jalalalabad to inspect any of their multiple projects. I was working for Central Asia Development Group (CADG), a Singapore-based company owned by an American couple. They had direct implementation contracts that allowed us the freedom to ignore UNMOSS rules and travel into any area we felt had adequate security.

We found that wearing a local dress driving beat-up Toyotas, living in nondescript local compounds, and minimizing the use of English when out and about gave us the ability to safely move around contested districts. CADG Provincial managers closely supervised all projects, most of which were simple cash-for-work public works projects. We were working in highly kinetic districts in Kandahar, Helmand, Paktia, Khost, Nimroz, and Uzgon Provinces, so we traveled armed.

Panjwayi Tim (on the left and cropped out on his request) rapping some of our Gaardez workers in Pashto. Notice how the Afghan men in this completely Taliban-dominated town reacted to us when we showed up to inspect projects or pay our workers. Panjwayi Tim was out of Kandahar, and also my boss in 2009 and always happy to help out on paydays (which were dangerous).

Our projects were manpower intensive, so paydays involved Retrieving between $70,000 to $100,000 in American dollars from a local bank, driving it to a company compound, and converting it into low-denomination Afghani. Transporting suitcases full of Afghani to the payday site, which was normally the city mayor’s compound. Then, holding a pay call for 5,000 Afghan laborers. Moving large sums of money around Jalalabad, Lashka Ghar, or Kandahar was inherently dangerous. Moving large amounts out into rural projects or deep into the Dasht-e Margo (Desert of Death, which was an intensely cool place to visit) was even more dangerous.

Our USAID manager in Kabul steadily increased our annual budgets and approved every project we submitted. I was moved down to Lashkar Gah in 2010 to be the Southwest Regional Manager for the USAID-funded Community Development Program. There was a USAID officer stationed with the British PRT there who immediately reprimanded me for carrying a pistol. He then explained to me how project approvals were now going to work because the British Aid Agency was in charge, and they had different protocols for project approval. The next day, I flew out to Camp Leatherneck to talk to the Marines. I was sent to the G9 and told him I had 20 million in USAID Community Development funds and planned to spend all of it in Nimroz Province, where the Brits and USAID had no say in what I did.

The only way to earn a seat at this table is consistent, competent performance over a span of years, not months. The idea of leaving a protected firm base to participate in culturally enriching events like the gladiator fights that dedicated this fine stadium my team and I built was inconceivable to USAID managers.
We didn’t really see gladiator fights but impressive Taekwondo demonstrations from the local youth clubs.

I was a big fan of the governor of Nimroz, Abdul Karim Brahui. Governor Brahui was a graduate of the Kabul military academy who founded and commanded the Jabha-e Nimruz (Nimroz Front) as part of the Mujahedeen Southern Alliance against both the Soviet army and the Taliban. He was a lead-from-the-front commander and the rare Afghan politician who concerned himself more with the people’s problems than accumulating additional power and wealth.

Explaining my understanding of how USAID works to the Governor of Nimroz Province

Governor Brahui was as close to an honest politician as one could be in Zaranj, given that the local economy revolved around plastic jerry cans. They were used to smuggle petrol or heroin across the border or to haul water from various sources for sale to one of the two municipal water treatment plants. Teenage boys selling petrol or diesel out of 5-gallon jerry cans dotted every major road in the city. The only way to generate income in Nimroz was to fix their massive, district-level irrigation systems.

We built a large main irrigation canal in Charborjak district that extended 56 kilometers and services every farming hamlet in the district. We were going to do 60 kilometers but ran into a minefield at the tail end of the canal and could not find a way around it.

The easiest and fastest project was the Chakhansor district because the Khashrod River, which fed the irrigation system, was dry for most of the year. Using 1,500 local laborers, we rehabilitated 300 kilometers of canals and rebuilt a 170-meter reinforced concrete check dam to capture the spring run-off. The Chakhansor irrigation system served 7,200 farms, and the first post-project wheat and melon harvests yielded outputs three times greater than pre-project averages. The Baloch of Nimroz no longer had to import melons from Kandahar, and if you knew how much Afghans love melons (which are excellent), you would understand the significance of that accomplishment, and we weren’t even getting started.

Opening ceremonies for the Charborjak irrigation system.

The Chakhansor district project was completed by Mullah John while I was still in Jalalabad. With the large fiscal year 2010 budget, we could do both Charborjak and Kang districts simultaneously, which would mitigate some of the heavy equipment costs. That year, we built 400 miles of irrigation canals, turning 25,000 acres of the Dasht-e Margo into highly productive farmland, allowing the Baloch to get in on the poppy boom. We hired over 18,000 workers to dig these canals in the middle of the desert where the temperature could hit 120° daily.

Opening the Kang district irrigation system.

The key to completing these so quickly was we were replacing systems, not building new ones, and we hired as many of the engineers who had built the original weirs and dams as we could find. The only problem with this massive project was the USAID stipulation that no material originating from Iran could be used in the construction. Instead of using high-quality Iranian concrete at $5.00 per 50lb bag, we were supposed to import low-quality concrete from Pakistan, which the State Department insisted was our ally. We worked around that somehow, I don’t remember the details, and finished on time and on budget. But we had a problem: the Helmand River was low due to maintenance at the Kajaki Dam, so our new intake check dam dammed the damn river.

We arrive at the ceremony site – you can see dust trails from the escorts who have been working the flanks and are just now crossing the Helmand. Which is dry downstream. Because we built a check dam that is apparently checking the entire river at the moment.

Only after I inadvertently dammed the Helmand River did USAID and the Brits in Lashkar Gah find out I had built two regional irrigation systems, and they were furious. But I had been working for the Marines, and the Colonel running the G9 shop ran cover for me because that’s what Marines do. He also attacked USAID for not doing anything in Nimroz Province except cancel the one Women Empowerment Program that actually worked. The Baloch people dominated Nimroz Province, and they had different cultural expectations for their women who wore the Iranian Chador, not the Afghan Burqa

One of our Zaranj students in our USAID-sponsored rug weaving class. We ran several training programs for women that were ended by USAID, who wanted us to stop training women in order to “build capacity,” whatever that meant.
This takes arrogance and hubris to new levels, revealing exactly how reckless USAID officials were in producing propaganda that enraged local Afghans. Rather than spend a few thousand dollars setting up Afghan women to run their own beauty shops or rug-weaving companies, we spent millions on a handful of elite young women to participate in a meaningless feel-good competition that placed their families and everyone associated with the effort in mortal danger when we cut and ran.
I’m all about providing technical training to Afghan kids of both genders, but you have to do this from the ground up, not the top down. Jalalabad kids in the MIT-sponsored FabLab. August 2008
This little girl would have never received a minute of academic instruction if it were not for the MIT grad students who ran the FabLab. She damn sure would have never received the opportunity to be on a USAID-sponsored computer team, although she developed skills that could have got her a spot; her parents were dirt poor farmers, not connected Kabul elites.

USAID did a great job taking money from the poor residents of America and giving it to the wealthy residents of Afghanistan. They spent 20 years inside a little Kabul compound from which they never ventured and created an alternative reality for themselves where workshops on women’s rights and protections for the LGBTQ community made perfect sense. They endangered the lives of the elite children they showcased in international events like the robotic competitions while ignoring the needs of the rest of the children in Afghanistan. USAID will disappear from the international stage without a whimper; they will not be missed, and hopefully, most of them will find their way into 12-step programs. Fat, drunk, and stupid is not a recipe for the good life, and there are thousands of swamp creatures about to find that out.

Charity is a Racket

The Catholic Relief Charities scam has finally gained the attention of the legacy media. Not for the billions of federal tax dollars they have been given but a video from Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of Milwaukee on how to avoid ICE detention.  Lawyer Barb Graham made the video, and she opens with the following:  

“All people living in the United States, including people who are undocumented, have certain rights under the United States Constitution,” 

That is total bull-Schiff. Illegal aliens have no constitutional rights because they are not citizens of the United States. But that’s not the issue that the public has focused on; it’s the 2.9 Billion taxpayer dollars that FJB gave the charities sex-traffic women and children on behalf of Mexican drug cartels. But this tawdry situation was remedied this morning by the Secretary of Homeland Security, who cut all government funding to NGOs and religious charities that have been making bank on trafficking illegal migrants. The government is not known for the timely payment of invoices, and I doubt those currently being processed will be paid.

Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem is heading out into the wilds of New York City, leading ICE raids. After this demonstration of competent leadership, she returned to DC and cut all the funding to the NGOs who have facilitated four years of open border madness. Photo from Reuters January 28, 2025

Catholic Charities is a tax-exempt charity, which means we can see its financials on Charity Navigator. Charity Navigator loves Catholic Charities, designating them a 100% four-star charity. But there is an obvious discrepancy in the financials. A 2021 ProPublica audit of Catholic Charities USA concluded:

The group’s local affiliates were taking in a total of nearly $2.9 billion annually from the government — representing about 62% of its $4.67 billion annual revenue.

Charity Navigator lists Catholic Charities USA’s 2021 revenue as 50 million. ProPublica contends it was 4.67 Billion. Clearly, shenanigans are happening at Charity Navigator, which is a shame; I once trusted that site. But who cares about Charity Navigator? I’d like to know how Catholic Charities accounts for the disbursement of 4.67 billion dollars. That is a mountain of money; there is a slim chance that Catholic Charities can account for it.

These are Catholic Charities financials on the Charity Navigator website.
These are the federal tax dollars given to Catholic Charities according to the website usaspending.gov

Catholic Charities USA President Kerry Robinson issued a statement yesterday saying:

“The millions of Americans who rely on this life-giving support will suffer due to the unprecedented effort to freeze federal aid supporting these programs,”

Even more bull-Schiff that reveals the profound disconnect between words and action in the “humanitarian” space. It is clear from the actions of Catholic Charities that they are not concerned with the plight of poor Americans. If they were, they would not be facilitating the influx of tens of millions of dirt-poor, unskilled migrants who are controlled, exploited and abused by the drug cartels who trafficked them across the border. These migrants will drive down wages, drive up crime and housing while straining public schools and other municipal resources. All of these follow on effects impact working class Americans, not the elites who head tax exempt charities or billion dollar NGO’s.

Catholic Charities RGV is closed in McAllen, and now that Section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act has been invoked, every illegal the Border Patrol catches is bounced back across the border the same day.

So what motivates the “humanitarians” of Catholic Charities USA? It’s not caring for the poor . . . obviously. They may have a few under-resourced programs for the poverty-stricken in the Rio Grande Valley, but the FJB administration wasn’t paying them billions to spend on poor American citizens. That money was to facilitate a massive flow of unvetted aliens from 130 different countries who will draw massive resources away from the American citizens who needed it the most. Using dirt-poor migrants to enrich well-heeled, connected democrat cronies is not something the American taxpayer should tolerate, let alone fund.

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